The article outlines the history of social Europe and describes the present situation, focusing on the implications of the European Council of Lisbon in March 2000 when Heads of State and governments decided to set a new ambitious objective for the EU: to become the most competitive knowledge economy in the world, based on full quality employment with an increased social cohesion. The common strategy for occupation, the new social agenda and the efforts for greater co-operation on inclusion and social protection are examined in detail. The article also takes a look at the future scenario, examining the results of the Convention from a social perspective and drawing some conclusions on the prospects of the intergovernmental conference.only subscribers can see the full article

The economic and demographic contribution of immigration to the Eu can have consequences on social protection regimes. It is thus necessary to examine both the positive aspects of the system and levels of protection truly given to such workers especially regarding the principles of equal treatment and compliance of acquired statutory rights (under adoption). Contrary to what some may be inclined to believe, available studies, albeit partial, highlight the persistence of serious inequalities in the protection of immigrants. In Italy the phenomenon of immigration is relatively recent but it is not sufficient to justify the delays and shortcomings registered in the initiation of active policies for the stipulation of bilateral agreements on social security and major international obligations. It is evident that building partnerships with the countries of origin is fundamental not only to combat illegal immigration but also to reinforce cooperation policies, contribute to the consolidation of local social security systems and thus improve social protection conditions for all residents.only subscribers can see the full article

This paper examines what differences will emerge in the European asset from the entry of 8 new member states from Eastern Europe. It also attempts to identify and assess the implications of the growing differentiation between states on the European integration process. The map of unity and diversity in the enlarged EU is extremely complex which doesn’t correspond simply to the old East-West divide. Furthermore, it is easy to find flaws in the various theories on the significance of diversity in the process of European integration. Not all types of inequality are necessarily damaging on the way (strife?) towards complete harmonisation, given that various types of multiplicity already exists in the 15-member union. Diversity can have positive or negative connotations according to context and objectives: a more diversified union can resemble a neo-medieval empire rather than a neo-Westphalian state but this doesn't necessarily mean the demise of European integration.only subscribers can see the full article

The entry of 10 new countries in the European Union has increased interest in their situation, especially in relation to policies pursued by the member countries and regarding above all the European strategy for employment and the «modernisation» of social protection systems. Great differences between the various national systems still persist which are based on very different economic, social and cultural situations. The extension of the «Open Co-operation Method» procedures to the candidate countries appears to be a natural consequence of the processes initiated among the member countries to define the necessary objectives for the construction of the «social model» which will characterise the future of Europe. only subscribers can see the full article

The paper gives a brief overview of safety net mechanisms in Eu countries (before enlargement), outlining eligibility conditions after social protection adjustments and reforms in the 90s and the current trends in the activation of minimum income beneficiaries. By analysing the policies of European states, there emerges a prevalent model which foresees the activation of the beneficiaries of safety net mechanisms with rigid access/exclusion conditions. The excessive use of restrictive, conditional tools risks the re-emergence of the idea of «culpable» poverty, hence undermining the achievements of social inclusion policies.only subscribers can see the full article

The countries that are about to come into the EU have adopted a transition model that gives much importance to measures for the reduction of social costs of transition, attributing a central role to redistribution policies. These States have transformed their economies, creating considerable unemployment but at the same time limiting inequalities. Income gaps have thus increased following the transition to a market economy but there have not been explosive repercussions as was the case in the ex-Soviet Republics. These redistribution policies have undoubtedly encouraged structural reforms allowing the entry of these countries into the EU but at the same time, they have caused fiscal imbalances. The correction of such imbalances is one of the more the most complex problems that the new member countries will have to face in a context of EU fiscal regulations which have been conceived for countries at much higher levels of development.only subscribers can see the full article

The paper presents a series of useful perspectives to comprehend if and how the harmonisation process of social and occupation policies at the EU level has been developed and which key concepts are necessary to interpret its progress. The analysis thus proposes some considerations/definitions of the term «harmonisation», focusing on two main aspects: firstly the process of harmonisation in relation to the creation/stabilisation of the so-called «social European model'; secondly the harmonisation process in relation to the EU enlargement process to find out how the future new EU states have been helped/supported to harmonise their own policies on social and occupational matters and in which direction such a process of harmonisation has been targeted, towards which values and development models and with which results/prospects.only subscribers can see the full article

2003 was a difficult year which started off with divisions on Iraq and concluded with the flop of the intergovernmental Conference in Brussels. But the annus horribilis was perhaps less horrible than at first thought. Important steps to clarify the problem of political identity and internal leadership of the EU have been accomplished. Progress has been made on security and defence but also on foreign policy. The lines of the debate on the enlarged Europe appear to be clearer today and it is not ruled out that such an agreement may be gradually pieced together in 2004 even if it is evident that Europe will not have the same characteristics as a real political Union. Future developments will see an increase in the internal flexibility of the Union through reinforced cooperation and «structured» co-operation on Defence if the Constitutional Treaty is approved or through informal co-operation tools if it isn’t. Differentiated integration will be the key to the future. However to prevent «disintegration», it is essential for reinforced co-operation to remain open and be managed according to an inclusive perspective. only subscribers can see the full article

Spurred by the ongoing discussion on the principles of a EU Constitutional Treaty, the two US authors explore the development processes of norms currently in force in the Union, highlighting the elements of democracy. Defined as «concerted polyarchy», they interpret European decision-making procedures as a process in which the solution to problems is founded on the permanent imbalance between motivations and interests and on the organised and collective exploration of the resulting differences. The decision taken is «polyarchic» as the analysis and approval depend on mutual control by the decentralised operators, facilitated by the existence of a central structure. In this sense, although an intrinsically democratic concerted polyarchy doesn’t exist, it stimulates the exploration of diversity to expose the decision-makers to full appraisal, transforming the obstacle of diversity into an instrument to accelerate and broaden the search for solutions.only subscribers can see the full article

The rise in flows of asylum seekers from the 90s onwards has led Europe to redefine the protection sanctioned in the post war years at the international level, adopting status recognition procedures which allow the principles/symbols to remain intact while modifying (or limiting) the contents. The legislative evolution in Italy follows the same pattern: while attempts to adopt a complete immigration and asylum act struggle to take off, in Italy the matter is partially regulated, in its procedural aspects, by the «Martelli Law», extensively reformed in 2002 with the «Bossi-Fini Law». The paper outlines the fundamental legislative passages, taking into consideration also the draft law under discussion in Parliament, the executory rule which requires approval for the coming into effect of modifications due to the «Bossi-Fini Law» on asylum, and the risks of unconstitutionality derived by the latent conflict between legitimate worries to curb clandestine immigration and the duty to protect those who flee from persecutions in their own country.only subscribers can see the full article