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Starting from a re-reading of the Constitution and the Fordist-Bismarckian ethos and foundations of Italian welfare, the author draws attention to some aspects being affected by the crisis and change. In particular he identifies in some sectors of welfare a trend – in line with the principles of the Constitution – towards a universalist vision that is making system more «mixed» than its original «pure» employment type. The article describes development of ordinary legislation in the early decades of the Republic and changes in labour and social law.

In recent years the contrast between two perspectives of how the welfare systems should develop has become sharper. There are some who claim that giving importance to work, knowledge and education are decisive factors for growth; others claim that growth, development and productivity are alternatives that are incompatible with welfare systems. In recent months Italian government presented measures that are strongly directed towards this second position. The article discusses the contents of the Green Paper on welfare which dictates guidelines that will guide strategic choices on social policy.

The article offers a general comment on the government Green Paper on welfare, designed to clarify the document’s underlying approach, its merits and intrinsic weaknesses. In particular, it brings out some errors of perspective and some contradictions in the government document: the «fiscal illusion», which encourages a reduction in public health cover, thus worsening the macroeconomic sustainability of overall health expenditure; the emphasis on the family, which is nevertheless asked to increase its role of making up for the shortcomings in the welfare system.

Will poverty return with the present crisis or is it already part of the current situation in Italy? After considering Italy’s position in the world from the point of view of income inequality, this article dwells on some peculiarities of the «Italian poverty model». The main characteristics of the model are the gap between regions of the North and South and the family’s role in the processes of economic hardship. The future scenario of poverty must develop from these elements, which are worsened the lack of any non-discretionary and non-contributory universalistic measures of income support.

The author discusses the results of the Italian educational system presented in the most important national and international studies to bring out the limitations of educational and training policy in recent years, and highlights the political incapacity to see educational reforms as a subject of joint interest because related to a «common good», to reach agreement on priorities and aims, and to give continuity to the measures of different governments. As a result there are various dangers: an increasing distance of the situation in Italy from the indications of the European Union.

Italy is widely perceived as a country that is going through a phase of «malaise», mainly for economic reasons. Yet this «malaise» does not seem to emerge from the indicators that should pick it up. Income inequality and poverty have been pretty well stable for several years. After reviewing the development of inequality in the last two decades, these notes try to illustrate some phenomena that can explain the widespread perception of «social malaise» and that slip through the net of the traditional indicators.

This work presents some reflections on expenditure on the various levels of education compared both with other countries and with the different areas of Italy. In the latter case the paper presents the main evidence that has emerged from the reconstruction of public expenditure in education considering the contributions from all the different bodies concerned (central government, Regions, local councils). It also analyses the territorial gap as it emerges from various samples carried out at various ages and suggests that the difference in resources available might help explain this gap.

This article considers recent trends in labour market reforms in Italy. We critically review the reform approach adopted in recent years, mainly centred on marginal legislative reforms in employment contracts. The diffusion of flexible labour contracts, especially among the younger generations and women, together with a welfare system still based on employment seniority and job characteristics, have reinforced the segmentation of the Italian labour market and social inequalities. The absence of a negotiating strategy in introducing reforms has also increased social conflict.

The article describes some of the results of recent detailed research on critical features in the ongoing modernisation process in Italy as regards the redefinition of male and female roles and the social division of labour. Although the remixing of gender roles in the family is extremely asymmetric, there are also new trends and important signs of change. All the same the potential for spreading better balanced models for the division of labour between men and women is now being hindered by a deficit of conciliatory policies and quality of female employment.

When the mechanisms of workfare enter the academic and political debate about the oft-announced reform of the social shock absorbers, they are often seen as a panacea that can solve the most serious defects of unfairness in the present system. The article that follows seeks to show how, the current legal position is already to a large extent in line with this aim, at least formally. Therefore, any reform clearly needs to fill the gap between the abstract provisions of the regulations and how they are actually applied, but also to intervene to strengthen the governance of the system.

This essay uses the financial dimension to analyse the present state of social regionalism in Italy following the profound changes that have affected the territorial organisation of responsibilities and functions. The picture that emerges is characterised by the persistence of various historical features of but also by some signs of change indicative of a desire by the regions to play a leading role. The combination of these two elements offers the prospect of opportunities, but also risks that could be related to the present territorial imbalance of social policy on a regional dimension.

Tax federalism in Italy is around the corner, while the gap between North and South increases. In the health and welfare system the gap concerns both essential service levels and the economic-financial situation. Analysing the running costs in the last few years and some indicators of the state of organisation of the regional health services, we can see how the deficit in many Regions is not due to under-financing so much as to different planning and organisational choices. In the less virtuous Regions there is an extremely close connection between deficits and distortions in the supply of ser

The article examines the emergence of new «spaces of social citizenship» at sub-national level in Italy with reference to welfare policies. In this sector, intermediate levels have traditionally had a major role since the Regions were first set up, and this has gradually extended to the attribution of exclusive responsibility in the matter, thanks to the recent reform of section V of the Constitution. After tracing the historical development of welfare policies in Italy, the article analyses the differences that exist at regional level in terms both of expenditure and of services offered.

The article presents some research results on models for leaving the family of origin in the more general framework of the process of transition to adult life. As the specialised literature has shown, the Italian situation is striking in the European context for the persistence of traditional models of transition to the adult condition and for the lateness with which the young leave the parental home. Using original data on five Italian urban areas, the article tries to establish if there are differences at local level in the consistency and extension of these specific features.

The return of the housing question to the political agenda in Italy has a number of uncertainties: the conceptual and operational patterns for innovation risk blocking the necessary change of direction for dealing with the full gravity of the new forms of housing poverty and homelessness. To a large extent the problems derive from underestimating the weight of the processes of growth of social vulnerability. The article develops the idea that the combination of these processes and the dynamics of housing poverty must be the basis for policy innovation.

Italian migration policies are a highly conflictual policy area, where apparently opposed and polarised reform proposals are frequently presented. As a result there is a widespread impression that this field is notable for strong, opposed discontinuities over the last few decades. The paper documents how the choices in Italian migration policy have been notable for strong long-term continuities. If the reforms of migration legislation have gradually increased technical effectiveness of repressive regulations this effort has not had the result of greater capacity in dealing with the phenomenon.